The result will debut Wednesday at the Art Theatre. I knew that once we were able to help the children on the waiting list there would still be others after them in need of the same services, Costales said. That caused me to consider how much more effective we could be in helping these children if we thought of their school, their neighborhood or their community as the client. This documentary is one piece of how were broadening our focus and empowering community members through trauma-informed education to help make a difference in their schools, neighborhoods or workplaces. Costales began looking for collaborators, and found them both in Long Beach and on Catalina Island, where the Guidance Center has a satellite clinic. Both have a population where significantly more people live below the poverty line then the national average. Costales and clinical therapist Nathan Swaringen explain in the film how poverty can result in trauma that, in turn, causes mental health issues in children. When that situation is constant, the ongoing stress and trauma has a big impact on both adults’ and children’s brains. “It’s not necessarily poverty that causes trauma; it’s the anxiety, chaos and uncertainty that comes with being poor,” Costales said. “That kid is ot a bad kid. That kid is doing the best they can in really horrific circumstances. “We might not be able to change their poverty circumstances, but if we can create those safe relationships and a different understanding of their circumstances, then maybe it doesn’t have to have a catastrophic impact.” Experts in the field are interviewed in the documentary, as well as community leaders.their explanation
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All of which raised the question: why was Hutchinson bringing all this down upon himself, his state, the victims families, the prisoners? What was he seeking in pursuing what has been dubbed a conveyor belt of death that has not been attempted at such a pace for more than half a century? The stated reason for the rush is that the batch of the sedative midazolam used by Arkansas as the first of three drugs in its lethal injection protocol expires on 30 April, and that finding new supplies after that date will be difficult. On a less procedural note, Hutchinson has insisted that his haste is all about the victims families. In an interview with local reporters last week, he was asked about the public outcry over his actions. He replied: Am I supposed to go to Dick Daniels, the husband of Jane Daniels who was killed [by Don Davis] in Rogers, Arkansas, brutally murdered and say I was worried about how the state would look? He went on: When I set these [executions], I thought not only about the process or the responsibility, but also about the victims and what theyve endured for the last 25 years. But the argument that it was all about victims rights was disputed by Joseph Perkovich, a lawyer for Bruce Ward, who pointed to evidence that the state had lied to a medical supply company to obtain one of its lethal injection drugs. Officials have gone to astonishing lengths to carry out a purge, he said. Perkovich said that for many relatives of loved ones lost to inexplicable acts of violence, the promise of executions are a false salve that diminish our humanity, distort our legal system and fail to deliver closure. In the end, we are witnessing politicians and their appointees compromising principles and even the law to orchestrate public spectacles in advancement of their personal interests. Questions about the soundness of Hutchinsons strategy, and about his motives, have been widely debated in Arkansas. The state has not carried out an execution since 2005, and until this moment has largely been on the sidelines of the capital punishment debate in the US.
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